BULLETIN OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ETHNOLOGY Vol. 33 No. 2 2009
Yasugi, Yoshiho
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An Essay on the Logo-Syllabic Kanji-Kana Writing System
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139
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Sakiyama, Osamu
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Austronesian etymologies and semantic change of plant names
in Madagascar
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227
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Goto, Masanori
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Dialogue in Ethnographies: The Irreducible in the Transition
of Soviet Ethnography in the Time of Cultural Revolution
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265
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An Essay on the Logo-Syllabic Kanji-Kana
Writing System
YASUGI Yoshiho
The Japanese writing system is logo-syllabic, using logographic
kanji and syllabic kana. Though the system is said to be complex
and difficult, we can now write Japanese freely by means of a word processing
program. We input Japanese using letters of the Roman alphabet and it is transformed
into the kanji-kana system. Before the development of computers, Japanese
language reformists criticised its complex system and suggested replacing it with
a Roman alphabetic system. We tend to apply western standards to our systems and
deny our valuable culture. However, Japanese writing has survived for more than
1000 years, although kanji and kana reforms have been carried out
many times.
The essence of writing is to express the meaningful elements of a language, that is, words. We combine letters to form words when we use an alphabet. Although each component is simple, the combination of letters is just as logographic as kanji. The kanji-kana system does not meet western standards but seems appropriate for the agglutinating Japanese language. Even if it is not the best, we cannot deny our long history of employing it. It is unique and therefore we have a duty to maintain it and pass it down to posterity.
The essence of writing is to express the meaningful elements of a language, that is, words. We combine letters to form words when we use an alphabet. Although each component is simple, the combination of letters is just as logographic as kanji. The kanji-kana system does not meet western standards but seems appropriate for the agglutinating Japanese language. Even if it is not the best, we cannot deny our long history of employing it. It is unique and therefore we have a duty to maintain it and pass it down to posterity.
Key Words: logographic, syllabic,
writing system, cultural bias, Mesoamerican script
Austronesian etymologies and semantic
change of plant names in Madagascar
Osamu Sakiyama
The following set of Austronesian-inherited Madagascar plant
names is the third of the sequels supplementing and revising Sakiyama (1991 and
1999). In this contribution, I have added new Madagascar data to Dempwolff (1938),
Verheijen (1984), Blust (1980-1989; 1988) and Wolff (1994) and shown some Sanskrit
names (S) which are suspected of having been borrowed at the Proto Western Malayo-Polynesian
stage. Added items are printed in bold type, and a plus sign (+) before an entry
implies a revision to my previous papers.
Semantic change brought about in Madagascar gives in some cases interesting examples; PMP *baliDa/*baliga (by-form) ‘weaver's sword, beater-in’ has become valiha’ ‘bamboo sword’ involving its material ‘Dendrocalamus strictus’ (a species of bamboo with long haulms) in Betsimisaraka. The Merina makes use of this type of bamboo in marking the musical instrument called valiha, which Dempwolff ignored for his reconstructed form *balija, presumably because of the great difference in meaning. Another type of change took place on the analogy of plant shapes; PMP *bu(n)tung ‘Barringtonia spp.’ (fish-poison tree) transformed into vontona ‘Adansonia digitata’ (digitata baobab) in Sakalava due to the resemblance of their flowers with white petals and brush-like stamens with numerous pink and white filaments. A few cases show plant names turned into common substantives; *kananga ‘Canangium odoratum’ (ylang-ylang) has come to mean ‘luscious’ in the Merina hanana/hananganana, while *pulut ‘Urena lobata’ (hibiscus burr) naturally changed into folotra/folo-polotra ‘low trees, bushes or anything which intercepts the sight’ in Merina.
Semantic change brought about in Madagascar gives in some cases interesting examples; PMP *baliDa/*baliga (by-form) ‘weaver's sword, beater-in’ has become valiha’ ‘bamboo sword’ involving its material ‘Dendrocalamus strictus’ (a species of bamboo with long haulms) in Betsimisaraka. The Merina makes use of this type of bamboo in marking the musical instrument called valiha, which Dempwolff ignored for his reconstructed form *balija, presumably because of the great difference in meaning. Another type of change took place on the analogy of plant shapes; PMP *bu(n)tung ‘Barringtonia spp.’ (fish-poison tree) transformed into vontona ‘Adansonia digitata’ (digitata baobab) in Sakalava due to the resemblance of their flowers with white petals and brush-like stamens with numerous pink and white filaments. A few cases show plant names turned into common substantives; *kananga ‘Canangium odoratum’ (ylang-ylang) has come to mean ‘luscious’ in the Merina hanana/hananganana, while *pulut ‘Urena lobata’ (hibiscus burr) naturally changed into folotra/folo-polotra ‘low trees, bushes or anything which intercepts the sight’ in Merina.
Key Words:Austronesian, Malayo-Polynesian,
Malagasy, Plant name, Baobab, Semantic change, Sanskrit, Loanword
Dialogue in Ethnographies:
The Irreducible in the Transition of SovietEthnography in the Time of Cultural Revolution
The Irreducible in the Transition of SovietEthnography in the Time of Cultural Revolution
Masanori Goto
In this paper, I will examine two different aspects of the
dialogism of Mikhail Bakhtin by following the historical transition of Soviet
ethnography from the end of the 1920s to the 1930s. It is pointed out that there
are two distinct aspects to Bakhtin's dialogism: one is concerned with the
epistemological pursuit of language, and the other with the sense of otherness.
I will demonstrate that the “polyphonic” nature of the ethnographies
written by the Chuvash non-Russian native ethnographers at the end of the 1920s
was caused by their keen sense of the limitations of reducing objects to oneness
and thus “objectifying” their own culture. At the same time, the ethnographies
written along the official lines for ethnographic reform under the Soviet regime
were found to be those that excluded “otherness” from objects, regardless
of their recognition, to a great extent, of the efficacy of the concept of “hybridity”.
After examining how these quite distinct types of ethnography are connected with
each aspect of Bakhtin's theory, I will suggest that it is indispensable to
be aware of the difference between the two irreducible aspects in order to maintain
dialogue in ethnographies.
Key Words:ethnography, Soviet Russia,
Bakhtin, dialogue, hybridity