国立民族学博物館研究報告 1998 23巻2号
目 次
ヴァヌアツ・トンゴア社会における称号制度 |
白川千尋 |
267 |
中国西北部黄土高原における廟会をめぐる社会交換と自立的凝集 |
深尾葉子 |
321 |
オリッサ州カタック地区の密教美術 |
森 雅秀 |
359 |
『国立民族学博物館研究報告』寄稿要項 |
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537 |
『国立民族学博物館研究報告』執筆要領 |
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538 |
BULLETIN OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ETHNOLOGY Vol. 24 No. 2 1999
Shirakawa, Chihiro |
The Titular System of Tongoa, Vanuatu |
267 |
Fukao, Yoko |
"Miaohui" as Self-Organization in Northwestern China in the post-Mao Era |
321 |
Mori, Masahide |
Tantric Buddhist Art from Cuttack District, Orissa |
359 |
ヴァヌアツ・トンゴア社会における称号制度
白 川 千 尋*
The Titular System of Tongoa, Vanuatu
Chihiro Shirakawa
ヴァヌアツ中部の伝統的政治システムは称号制度に基づいている。この地域の社会では,称号を有する者が政治的リーダーとなる。従来の人類学的議論では,この称号は世襲されるものと位置づけられてきた。そして,こうした側面とサーリソズの提出したビッグマンと首長の概念に基づき,この地域の称号制度は首長制と分析されてきた(Sahlins 1963)。しかし,この分析は十分な民族誌的資料によって裏打ちされたものとは言い難い。そこで,本稿ではヴァヌアツ中部のトンゴア社会を対象とし,同社会の称号制度に関する民族誌的資料を提示する。具体的には,称号に付随するナタンガラサ(natangarasa)と呼ばれる超自然的な力と個々の称号の継承に関する資料である。そしてそれを踏まえて,先述の人類学的議論について検討を加える。提示した民族誌的資料から,結論として称号制度を世襲制ないしは首長制と位置づけた従来の分析は妥当性を欠くものであったことを指摘する。
The traditional political system of the islands of central Vanuatu is Based on title. Those who have titles are able to become leaders of the Society. Anthropologists have argued that the titles are hereditary. Because of this, and Sahlins’well-known concepts of big-man and chief, the titular system of the region has been analyzed as a chieftainship (Sahlins 1963.) However, because of poor ethnographical information about the system, the above analysis was not fully supported by empirical data. This article first provides sufficient ethnographical data about the titular system of Tongoa, and then examines anthropological arguments about the system. As foci of the primary ethnographical description, the article presents data on natangarasa, the supernatural power attached to titles, and the succession process of titles. It is concluded that the system is not a typical chieftainship and should not be categorized as hereditary.
* 日本学術振興会特別研究員,国立民族学博物館外来研究員
Key Words:Tongoa, titular system, succession of titles, natangarasa
キーワード: トンゴア,称号制度,称号の継承,ナタンガラサ
キーワード: トンゴア,称号制度,称号の継承,ナタンガラサ
1. はじめに 2. トンゴア概略 2.1. トンゴア島民 2.2. ナウォタと称号 3. ナタンガラサ 3.1. ナタンガラサの作用 3.2. ナヴィヴィサケアンにおける ナタンガラサへの対応 3.3. 称号の段階的継承によるナタンガ ラサへの対応 |
4. 称号の継承 4.1. 大ナウォタ 4.2. 中ナウォタ 4.3. 小ナウォタ 5. 考察 5.1. 称号の継承について 5.2. 世襲について 6. 称号制度と「正しいカストム」 ーーむすびにかえてーー |
中国西北部黄土高原における廟会をめぐる
社会交換と自立的凝集
社会交換と自立的凝集
深 尾 葉 子*
"Miaohui" as Self-Organization in Northwestern China
in the post-Mao Era
in the post-Mao Era
Yoko Fukao
漢族社会における廟の持つ社会機能については多くの研究蓄積があるが,本稿では1980年代以降中国西北部黄土高原で復活の著しい廟と廟の祭り(廟会)について,その社会的,歴史的意味を問う。廟は宗教的存在理由の他に,社会的公益的な意味を持つが,それを支える人々の奉仕労働を個々の行為者と神との社会的交換の結果として解釈し,同時にそうした個別の行為が集積される際に,同地域の冠婚葬祭などの挙行とも共通する一定の互助モデルが働いていることを指摘する。廟や廟の祭りは小さなものから数万人規模のものまでさまざまであるが,それは「会長」の威信や神の評判によって常に変動する。こうした活発で流動的な社会の凝集は同地域社会に1980年代以降出現した「渦」のうねりのようなものとして捉え得る。
After the collapse of the people’s communes ( Renmin Gongshe ) in China’s rural areas, we can observe many kinds of self-organization throughout the country. In Northern Shaanxi Province, the most prominent way of self-organization by local people was to establish Miaohui ( Temple Associations) , which used to be very common in Chinese rural society before the Cultural Revolution.
At the beginning of this article, different types of Miaohui are introduced in order to show that Miaohui does not merely function on the Village level, it operates on various levels and with various sizes of community or social networks. Some Miaohui are maintained by donations and voluntary work contributed by patients who had medical treatment or took medicine from each Miao. Others are famous for their effectiveness in fertility or producing rain. It is important to note that the size of a Miaohui is not stable but changing all the time through the reputation it earns from local people and also by the ability of the Huizhang -chairman-of each Miaohui. To be a good chairman, fairness and generosity are needed. The people’s continuous talk about each Miaohui and its management is critical to the growth and longevity of each Miao.In the most prominent case of Heilong Temple, because of the emergence of talented Huizhang, the scale of the Miaohui changed drastically from a small inter-village one into the central one of Northern Shaanxi province. This phenomenon can be explained as the emergence of a dynamic structure in this area after the release from domination during the Mao era.
Looking back on the former studies on Miao in other Han-Chinese areas like Taiwan or Hong Kong, continuous discussions are observed regarding the relatiohships between the size of local community and the range of the influentilal area of each Miao. In the earlier studies on this subject, spatial phases of Miao activities were rather stressed, but in later works it is pointed out that such spatial ranges are not always very clear and it is rather hard to set some boundaries on religious activities. Later studies try to watch Miao activities more functionally and dynamically, which means that the range of Miao activities are considered to be more changeable and multileveled. In the case of present day Miao in Northern Shaanxi, the same characters can be observed, maybe even ac-celerated because of the decline of Miao activity during the cultural revolution. In this article, analytical individualism is adopted in order to avoid treating Miao activities statically. Activities of Miao are seen as integrated results of each personal exchange between local people and Miao. I have not only analyzed the implications of personal exchange between Miao and these supporters, but also the process of integration of such exchanges into collective ones. Then the meaning of the annual Miao festivals, which are ordinarily held along with local operas, are ex-amined. Then we fihd that the Miao festivals are functioning as communitas for the local people who are participating in them.
At the beginning of this article, different types of Miaohui are introduced in order to show that Miaohui does not merely function on the Village level, it operates on various levels and with various sizes of community or social networks. Some Miaohui are maintained by donations and voluntary work contributed by patients who had medical treatment or took medicine from each Miao. Others are famous for their effectiveness in fertility or producing rain. It is important to note that the size of a Miaohui is not stable but changing all the time through the reputation it earns from local people and also by the ability of the Huizhang -chairman-of each Miaohui. To be a good chairman, fairness and generosity are needed. The people’s continuous talk about each Miaohui and its management is critical to the growth and longevity of each Miao.In the most prominent case of Heilong Temple, because of the emergence of talented Huizhang, the scale of the Miaohui changed drastically from a small inter-village one into the central one of Northern Shaanxi province. This phenomenon can be explained as the emergence of a dynamic structure in this area after the release from domination during the Mao era.
Looking back on the former studies on Miao in other Han-Chinese areas like Taiwan or Hong Kong, continuous discussions are observed regarding the relatiohships between the size of local community and the range of the influentilal area of each Miao. In the earlier studies on this subject, spatial phases of Miao activities were rather stressed, but in later works it is pointed out that such spatial ranges are not always very clear and it is rather hard to set some boundaries on religious activities. Later studies try to watch Miao activities more functionally and dynamically, which means that the range of Miao activities are considered to be more changeable and multileveled. In the case of present day Miao in Northern Shaanxi, the same characters can be observed, maybe even ac-celerated because of the decline of Miao activity during the cultural revolution. In this article, analytical individualism is adopted in order to avoid treating Miao activities statically. Activities of Miao are seen as integrated results of each personal exchange between local people and Miao. I have not only analyzed the implications of personal exchange between Miao and these supporters, but also the process of integration of such exchanges into collective ones. Then the meaning of the annual Miao festivals, which are ordinarily held along with local operas, are ex-amined. Then we fihd that the Miao festivals are functioning as communitas for the local people who are participating in them.
*大阪外国語大学,国立民族学博物館研究協力者
Key Words: self-organization, dynamic structure, complimentary social exchange, communitas,
swirl of cohesive power
キーワード: 自律的凝集,動的構造,二者関係的社会交換,コミュニタス,凝集力の渦
キーワード: 自律的凝集,動的構造,二者関係的社会交換,コミュニタス,凝集力の渦
はじめに Ⅰ. 廟と地域社会をめぐる議論の背景 一脱「祭祀圏」の試み- Ⅱ. 廟の神話と廟会の復活 Ⅲ. 廟の創出,運営を支える社会的交換 廟会のなりたちと直接的交換 |
広がりのある交換行為「相伏」(シアンフオ) 「会長」の互酬性と人々とのずれ Ⅳ. 神との対話一芝居の奉納一 廟の祭りへ向けて 神と人との集合的交換とコミュニタス おわりに |
オリッサ州カタック地区の密教美術
森 雅秀*
Tantric Buddhist Art from Cuttack District, Orissa
Masahide Mori
オリッサ州はパーラ朝の版図であったベンガル州,ビハ-ル州とならんで,インドにおける密教の中心地のひとつとして知られる。本論文はオリッサ州のカタック地区の代表的な遺跡であるラトナギリ,ウダヤギリ,ラリタギリの三僧院跡における二度の現地調査をふまえ,各遺跡の現状を伝えるとともに,遺跡ごとの出土品の傾向を明らかにする。さらに,尊像の種類にしたがって図像学的な特徴を解明し,他地域の密教美術との比較を通して,インドの密教美術の総体的な考察をすすめた。後半には「オリッサ州出土仏教図像作例リスト」として,現存する571点の作品について,図像学的な特徴を中心に網羅的なリストを作成した。さらに未公開資料を含む160点の写真図版を添付することで,図像資料集としても活用されることを目指している。
Tantric Buddhism flourished in Orissa from the eighth to the tenth centuries. Numerous sculptures representing Buddhist deities have been excavated from this area, especially from Cuttack District, located on the east side of Orissa. Three archaeological sites in Cuttack, i.e. Ratnagiri, Lalitagirl and Udayagiri, deserve special mention. In the first part of this paper, I report the latest information on these sites based upon a field survey in Cuttack in March, 1995 and January, 1996. I also clarify the iconographic characteristics of the sculptured deities excavated from Cuttack with reference to contemporary Buddhist art in Bengal and Bihar. In the second part, I present a list of the Iconographical data of 571 sculptured works from Orissa with 160 plates.
* 高野山大学,国立民族学博物館共同研究員
Key Words: Tantric Buddhism art, Cuttack District, Orissa, Pāla dynasty
キーワード: 密教美術,カタック,オリッサ,パーラ朝
キーワード: 密教美術,カタック,オリッサ,パーラ朝
1. はじめに 2. 遺跡の現状 ラトナギリ ラリタギリ ウダヤギリ 3. 主要な図像上の特徴 |
一般的な特徴 如来 菩薩 女専 忿怒尊・財宝神 4 . おわりに |