This paper aims to reveal technological and social changes in modernization among coppersmith castes, by classifying various types of copper water jugs (ggr ) on the basis of their shapes, materials and production methods as well as their manufacturers. The research is based on the data acquired through fi eld visits to copper vessel workshops in Western Nepal and the collections in the National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka. First, I classifi ed the water jugs into type I, plain style (sd) and type II, engraving style (bu ) by the presence of embossed decoration and the shape of the vessels. Then I examined the differences in materials, which are divided distinctly into thick hand-melted copper disc and thin industry-made copper sheet or disc. In addition, the differences in production methods, which can be seen from the number of parts and the number and location of seams, were examined. Also, differences in the manufacturers, the Parbate Hindu coppersmith caste ( amaa) or the Newal coppersmith caste (tmrakr) were considered. Horizontal forge welding of three hammered parts, using thick hand-melted copper disc material (II-1 on Table 3) requires the highest technical skill. This method produces heavy and durable water jugs. Today, however, this technique exists only in a few workshops in Western Nepal, while light and cheap water jugs made of many hammered parts with a number of seams, especially using vertical forge welding of thin ready-made copper sheets (I-5 and II-6) are very popular in markets. Finally I discuss who makes these varieties of water jugs, and why people began to prefer light and cheap water jugs to heavy durable ones. I also discuss how the technology and social-life of the coppersmith castes have been infl uenced and transformed by this change in the taste of consumers.

Key Words: Nepal, coppersmith castes, water jugs, production methods, technological and social changes

There is a man’s name that appears several times in historic documents of Mongolia compiled at different times over many centuries. The name is Gilügün Baatur, and the man was from a tribe called Sönid. Sönid is mentioned in The Secret History of the Mongols, which was written in the 13th century. To be exact, “Gilügün Baatur” was, in fact, his name by birth, whereas “Ba¥atur” was an acquired title meaning “brave warrior”. Amongst ancient records, the oldest reference to “Gilügün Baatur” is found in the description of the traditional ritual of “Eight White Tents”, which is dedicated to Genghis Khan. Part of the ritual is the reconstruction of a historic scene, in which officiating priests called “Darqad” in Mongolian are bestowed with royal gifts by Genghis Khan. Involved with this tradition is a direct descendant of Gilügün Baatur, who comes forward to receive the reward from Genghis Khan, thus being honoured on behalf of his ancestors for their devotion and allegiance to his lordship of supremacy. As these proceedings of “Eight White Tents” suggest, Gilügün Baatur is defined as one of the leading followers of Genghis Khan, manifesting the values of heroic loyalty, and contributing to his lordship’s historic expedition. As a matter of fact, this great warrior figure concurs with some expressions discovered in Mongolian chronicles from the 17th century onward.
Following these precedents, the famous warrior appears once again in a manuscript written in the middle of the 19th century during the Dao Guang (“¹Œõ) era of the Qing dynasty. Contained in this document is a statement by a man named Yüdorji, an officiating priest (Darqad), who claims that he is a legitimate direct descendant of Gilügün Baatur, the courage of whom was recorded in the 13th century archive, and that his family has been serving in the proceedings of “Eight White Tents” through generations, fulfilling the role of “Baatur”. Once Yüdorji was involved in a conflict with local aristocrats (Tayiji) in the Yeke Juu League (Ordos) in relation to an issue of tax payments. As soon as unequivocal support was extended, however, to Yüdorji by feudal lords of the Sönid East Banner in the Silingol League, the situation turned round entirely in his favour. The reason why the royals of the SoNnid East Banner took the side of Yüdorji was that they acknowledged that he was the legitimate descendant of Gilügün Baatur from the ethnic group of Sönid during the 13th century. What is worth noting is that the man named Gilügün Baatur, who is believed to have existed during the 13th century, has always been honoured over many centuries in the tradition of “Eight White Tents”, the ritual to worship Genghis Khan, for his bravery and dedication. Furthermore, this fact itself emphasizes that historic figures as well as history are not a mere representation of the past, but that they exist in the present, symbolizing the fundamental values of Mongolia.

Key Words: Ordos Mongols, Naiman C¥a¥an Ordun, Darqad, Gilügün Baatur.

The author, a professional psychotherapist, carried out his field research in Adamawa, North Cameroon, among Fulfulde-speaking medicine men to find out how they treat patients, how they contact spirits, what cosmology sustains their beliefs, and what initiation process they go through to become medicine men. He reports on how he entered the world of spirits and returned to reality after experiencing such an initiation. In this process, his various experiences as well as his dreams served him as important guides. He attempted to understand the world of medicine men. Kutin folktales are added for the understanding of the deep psychology of the local people.

* Ryo Inoue (1947-2002), a psychotherapist, ventured into the Adamawa Highlands in Cameroon, and did research among the Fulfulde-speaking healers. He left the present article. Due to his sudden death we decided to publish it without editing. It describes his extraordinary experiences among the healers. The author consecrated most of his life to this field. This is the revised and enlarged version of an article already published in Japanese.

Key Words: Adamawa, Fulbe, Kutin, healer, psychotherapy