小論は，スリランカの仏教改革者でかつ闘う民族主義者としてのアナガーリカ・ダルマパーラの流転の生涯，およびそれ以後のシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムの展開に関する人類学的系譜学的研究である。小論ではダルマパーラの改革理念のもつ曖昧性や不協和にこだわり，あらたに再編されたシンハラ仏教を，近代西欧的，キリスト教的モデルを否定しながらその影響を強くうけたものとして，その理想と現実との食い違いを明らかにする。こうした改革仏教はオベーセーカラによって2つの意味を持つ「プロテスタント仏教」と名づけられた。ひとつには英国植民地支配に「プロテスト」するためのシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムと深く関わっている。ふたつには，マックス・ウェーバーのいう在家信者を主体とするプロテスタント的な現世内禁欲主義を仏教に応用しようとしたものである。しかしながら，ダルマパーラの急進的なナショナリスト的改革はいったん頓挫し，1950 年代半ばのバーダーラナーヤカ政権の「シンハラ唯一」政策などによって実質化されることになった。そのさい仏陀一仏信仰を旨とするプロテスタント的仏教は，宗教的に儀礼主義と偶像崇拝を排除し，また政治的にはタミル・ヒンドゥー教徒などの少数派を排除する論理を提供した。もともとナショナリズムと親和的なプロテスタンティズムの論理が貫徹したシンハラ仏教ナショナリズムはそれまであいまいであった民族間，宗教間の対立を実体化し深刻化する結果を招いた。ダルマパーラの改革仏教はそうした紛争の一因を提供した意味においても評価されなければならない。

　 This is an anthropological, genealogical study of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka after Anagarika Dharmapala (1864–1933), the great Sinhala Buddhist reformer and also militant nationalist. We shall discuss the ambiguities and dissonances in the ideology of Dharmapala and endeavor critically to bridge the chasm between the utopia and the reality of Dharmapala’s newly invented Buddhism based on, while also rejecting, the model of Western and Christian ideas. The newly reformed Buddhism of Dharmapala has been labeled ‘Protestant Buddhism’ by Gananath Obeyesekere for two reasons. First it linked itself with Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism to ‘protest’ against British colonial rule; second, it was an attempt to promote a Protestant-like this-worldly asceticism centering on the laity, that is, the Max Weber model. But its radical nature precluded it from occupying a central position in the independence movement. The idea of unification of Buddhism excluded traditional ritualism and idolatry, particularly the ritualism of Tamil Hinduism and the materialism or plutolatry of Christianity. It was only after independence that its agenda was put into practice, particularly in the mid- 1950s as the ‘Sinhala only’ policy of the then Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranayaka. The protestant-like unified nationalistic Buddhists exclude religious minorities, particularly Tamil Hindus. Part of the background of the ethnic conflict since 1983 is in fact more convincingly traceable to the ideal of reformed Buddhism by Anagarika Dharmapala.

 

＊国立民族学博物館民族社会研究部

Key Words：  Sri Lanka, Anagarika Dharmapala, Protestant Buddhism, Genealogy, Sinhara
キーワード ：スリランカ，アナガーリカ・ダルマパーラ，プロテスタント仏教，系譜学，シンハラ

　日本語は，北方のツングース諸語および南方のオーストロネシア語族の両文法要素を継承する混合言語である。日本語の系統もこの視点から見直そうとする動きがすでに始まっている。これまでに発表したいくつかの拙稿では日本語におけるオーストロネシア系語源の結論部分だけを述べたものが多かったが，本稿では音法則を中心とした記述に重点を置き，意味変化についても民俗知識に基づいた説明を行った。引用語例は筆者がすでに述べたものも含まれるが，多くは本稿で初めて提示するものである。他者によって言及されている語源説についてはその妥当性を検討した。また，論述の過程において，日本語音韻史でこれまで隔靴掻痒の感が否めなかったハ行・ワ行歴史的仮名遣いの表記上の問題点を摘出した。

　That Japanese was formed through a mixture of Tungusic and Austronesian has gradually become clear. While it is said to be difficult to locate Japanese in a particular language family, this may be primarily because of the great length of time over which present-day Japanese was formed. Progress has been hampered by insistence on the “purity” of the language. Modern Japanese was in fact formed through a mixing of languages.
　After Austronesian first moved from Taiwan into the northern Philippines around B.C. 2500, including the Malayo-Polynesian subfamily, a branch of this group left for the Ryukyu-Japanese Archipelago and first settled in West
Japan in the late Jomon period. As people spread northeastward, rice might have carried with them, as evidenced by the early presence of rice cultivation in the southern Taiwan and the northern Philippines around B.C. 2000. Several Austronesian rice-related terms are retained in Japanese while involving semantic changes; for example, Proto Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) *bǝRas ‘husked rice’ became Ancient Japanese (AJ) *fiya-i (Old Japanese (OJ) hiyë ‘Japanese millet’), PMP *pajay ‘rice plant’ to AJ *fasai (OJ hasë/wasë ‘earlyripening rice plant’), and so on.
　In this paper I focused my concern to show about a hundred cognate words based on regular sound correspondences between Proto Austronesian (PAN) or PMP and AJ, earlier Japanese before the Nara period (A.D. 710- 784), and also to explain semantic changes brought about in AJ from the viewpoint of ethnology. In the case of sound changes from PAN to AJ, the most remarkable is the confusion of phonetically similar phonemes : the distinction between *f /ɸ (the present ha column in kana) and *w (the present wa column), inherited from PAN *p/*b and *w respectively, is suspected of having become disordered mainly in the intervocalic position of AJ and that this confusion carried over into the OJ Man’yo-gana writing system (Japanese syllabaries originated from Chinese characters) used since much earlier in the Nara period. Some words written with the ha column were rewritten with the wa colomn, and vice versa sporadically, to which I pointed out the historically logical etyma tracing back to Austronesian. Another case is the merger of etymologically different phonemes; PAN *R and Proto Tungusic *d seem to have chanced to become one phoneme y in AJ. As characteristics of sound change PAN word-final consonants tend to be dropped in AJ, allowing stems to end with an open syllable. This trend, i.e. apocope, appears as a common phenomenon in Malagasy and Oceanic languages (particularly Polynesian languages), which are found on the geographical rim of the Austronesian distribution. And as a noticeable sound change from PAN the distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants is being lost, and in most languages of Oceania as well as in AJ, this tendency is argued to exist on reliable linguistic evidence. It would not be surprising even if a similar drift has emerged in Austronesian, which extended to Japan’s northernmost tip. The reason why the phonological voiced and voiceless distinction revived at the latest before the Nara period is inexplicable without taking into consideration on language contact and bilingual mixtures brought about in the process of forming the Japanese language after the late Jomon period. I wonder how conservative thought attached to language monogenesis interprets this extraordinary innovation.
　The pitch accent of Japanese is an important element when considering the origins of the Japanese language. In Austronesian languages roots are basically multisyllabic. I divide AJ vocabularies etymologically originating in PAN/PMP into three groups : group 1 appears to inherit the penultimate syllable of PAN, group 2 the final, and group 3 reflects the whole form. It is interesting that Poi Tsaan (Huihui-hua), a Malayo-Polynesian Chamic language of Hainan Island of China, has phonetically changed to resemble a tonal language retaining in principle the final syllable of PAN (or Proto Cham). This fact gives a crucial insight into the occurrence of an accent after the loss of PAN/PMP syllables in AJ.
　In a comparative list I classify Austronesian-derived Japanese vocabularies into several categories such as rice-related terms, wind and direction names, and basic color terms.

＊国立民族学博物館名誉教授

Key Words：Proto Malayo-Polynesian, Japanese genealogy, language contact, confusion of labials, rice-related terms
キーワード：マライ・ポリネシア祖語，日本語系統，言語接触，ハ行転呼音，イネ関連語彙

　火葬後，近親者が集まり，遺骨を粉にして服用する。あるいはこれに類する行為をおこなう。そのような習俗が日本のいくつかの地域で近年までおこなわれていた。公然とではないが点在していた。
この原稿では，何人かのインフォーマントから聞いた話と，近年の報告を紹介する。そして，こうした習俗が行われていた理由について考えてみる。
　主要な事例報告対象とした地域は，以下のとおりである。
　兵庫県淡路島南部，愛媛県越智郡大島，愛知県三河地方西部，新潟県糸魚川市。
　近親者による食屍は，アブノーマルなことに思われる。しかし，長寿を全うした者，崇敬を集めていた人物が被食対象となっていることからは，死者の卓越した生命力や能力にあやかろうとする素朴な思いが反映していることを認めることができる。最愛の妻などの遺骨をかむことに対しても，哀惜の感情が表明されている。これらの行為は，素朴な人間感情の表出であると考えてよい。

　After a cremation, blood relatives gather and ingest some of the ash or perform similar acts. Such a custom has been seen here and there in several ares of Japan until recent years. But it has not been continued openly.
　In this paper, I report recent cases of the custom obtained from various informants and writings, and I consider their meanings. The main areas of occurrence are as follows :
　The southern area on Awajishima Island (Hyogo prefecture), Oshima Island (Ehime prefecture), the western area of Mikawa district (Aichi prefecture),and Itoigawa city (Niigata prefecture).
　It may be felt abnormal to eat remains but it reflects the primitive thought of absorbing the exceptional vital energies and abilities of the dead who were especially long lived or respected persons. The act can express regret too, as when a husband bites the ash of his lost wife.
　I conclude that such cases of cannibalism exhibit natural human emotion.

＊国立民族学博物館民族文化研究部

Key Words：bone dust, cannibalism, crematory ash, hone-kami(bite at bone)
キーワード：骨粉，食屍，食人，人灰，骨噛