本稿はメキシコ系アメリカ人の壁画活動を素描するものである。メキシコのオロスコ，リベラ，シケイロスはアメリカ合衆国においても制作し，シケイロスの画風と技術がチカノ（政治的に目覚めたメキシコ系の人々）に影響力を持ち，1960－70年代に独特の民衆のための壁画が生まれた。このチカノ壁画の伝統は80－90年代にも受け継がれているが，早くも70年代にはパフォーマンスによる「歩く壁画」で壁画の表現上の限界を批判するグループが現れ，90年代には作家は「移動用壁画」を描いて美術館などに展示する機会をえている。

This is a summary article on the murals created by Mexican-Americans from the 1960s to the 1990s. The purpose is to provide the Japanese audience with a general perspective of the Mexican-American Murals from their origin to the present-day forms, through a period of creative criticism.
1.The activities of Orozco, Rivera, and Siqueiros in the United States in the1920s-30s are briefly summarized, with the tentative conclu-sion that Siqueiros may have had a major impact on the Chicano mural painters for three reasons：1) political activism, 2) group painting in-cluding non-professionals and his taller in Cuernavaca in Mexico, and 3) newly developed techniques well fitted to the US environment .
2. The major trends of Chicano murals in the1960s-70s are summarized with references to the regional variations in Los Angeles, East L.A., San Diego, San Francisco, Chicago, Albuquerque, Santa Fe, Las Vegas ( N.M.), Denver, Tucson, Phoenix and Houston ( Texas ) . The continuation of Chicano-style murals in the 1980s-90s is also commented on．
3. The criticisms of stereotyped murals by Willie Herrón, Gronk, and others, represented by their performance of“walking murals,”are summarized.
4. The appearance of“portable murals”for museums is interpreted as an artistic development in murals which had existed as street art, and at the same time it is suggested that murals still exist as conveyors of cultural expressions of ethnic identity, and as decorations for Mexican-American neighborhoods.
I remain thankful to the SPARC ( Social and Public Art Resource Center, Venice, California ) for offtring me two time reproduction rights For four copyrighted works. Photos 1to 14 are all taken by the author.

* 国立民族学博物館民族社会研究部

Key Words：mural, portable mural, Mexican-American, Siqueiros, Chicano
キーワード：壁画，移動用壁画，メキシコ系アメリカ人，シケイロス，チカノ

グアテマラの観光地のひとつアティトラン湖地方の2つのマヤ系のコミュニ ティーは，「マヤの伝統的生活」を描くインディへナの油彩画家の存在によって知られている。本稿は，彼らの絵画の生産・流通・消費のプロセスを，「インディへナ芸術」と「インディへナ文化」をめぐる「交渉」（negotiation）の場として分析する。そこでは，「インディへナ画家」として「インディへナ絵画」を制作・販売することを余儀なくされている彼らが，一方で，西洋近代的な芸術＝文化システムによる「芸術（家）」としての認知を求めつつ，他方で，そのようなかたちで理解＝消化されてしまわない差異を生産している点について，同様に「コンタクトゾーン」で絵画を生産している他の事例をも参照して考察する。

Two Mayan communities, Santiago Atitlán and San Pedro la Laguna, are located on Lake Atitlán, one of the most popular tourist Spots in Guatemala. These two communities are famous for their professional indigenous painters, Who produce oil paintings depicting‘traditional Mayan ways of life. ’This paper will discuss the processes of production, circulation and consumption of those paintings, as sites of‘negotiation’about the meaning of Mayan‘art’and their‘culture’.
The Western art world has played a dominant role as gatekeeper in the recognition and disavowal of artists and works of art around the world. It works within the discourse of the modern‘Art-Culture System’( Clifford 1988 )，which has long been hegemonic in the West’s appropriation of non-Western objects. Even in this era of‘Postmodern’dissemination and decentralization this is still the case. The objects produced in the non-West have been either recognized and collectedas‘authentic’artifacts/works of art, or disavowed as‘inauthentic,’unworthy of collecting. The most salient problem of this whole system is the lack of reciprocity between dominant players and subordinate ones, and the fact that this inequality has been naturalized.
Mayan indigenous oil paintings are commodities in two difftrent markets；they may be consumed either as‘works of art’or as‘tourist souvenirs.’The painters try to negotiate with potential buyers about the price and the artistic value of their work. However, their subordinate economic position forces them to compromise both artistically and economically. The most popular subject among the consumers ( art dealers as well as tourists ) is costumbre, the Mayan‘traditional folk life,’and the painters cannot help but meet the consumers’demand. At the same time, painting costumbre is nevertheless the painters’conscious signifying practice, which produces difftrences，and as such is indigestible for the Western discourse of art and artist. Thus, the indigenous paintings are commodities made for sale and,at the same time, creative expressions of the producers.
This situation is not unique to Guatemalan indigenous painters. Artists, not recognized as such, in the non-West are producing their work under similar conditions. This paper examines three similar cases : Australian aboriginal acrylic paintings；African‘tourist art’and‘popular art’from Côte d’Ivoire and Zaïre；and Balinese peasants’paintings in the 1930s.
All these paintings are‘bicultural products, ’born under the unequal distribution of power in‘contact zones. ’They are considered lacking in universal artistic value or are digested as an exotic but intelligible difference by the Western art world and tourism.Western painting techniques are borrowed by those painters, who appropriate them to invent new ways of representing their life, culture, tradition, or history. Being made for sale, these paintings are subordinated to the market law of supply and demand,but these transactions are simultaneously cultural negotiations between contesting signifying practices.
This paper concludes with a few remarks on the importance of giving a voice to those unacknowledged producers of art, who are negotiating, on a daily basis, their position as subaltern artists, in order to explore the fertility of human artistic expression, once it has been released from hegemonic Western artistic conventions.

* 九州大学，国立民族学博物館共同研究員

Key Words：Art-Culture System, negotiation, Guatemala, indígena, Maya, oil paintings, tourism
キーワード：芸術一文化システム，交渉，グァテマラ，インディへナ，マヤ，油絵，観光

ニューギニア島の熱帯雨林に住むべダムニの霊媒は，特定の季節にのみ「ガラ」という夢語りを人びとに語って聞かせる。その語りはさらに人から人へと伝わり，多少の変形を加えられながら広範囲に伝播していく。この夢語りの特徴の一つは，地形上の特徴を示す地名以外の固有名が一切登場しないことである。他の夢の語りや霊媒による交霊会での語りでは，出来事の記録性と喚起力を持つ地名が，問題解決のための重要な手がかりとなり，人びとはこれらの語りの解釈をめぐって様々な意見を交換する。一方，ガラの語りでは，そうした地名への言及は皆無であり，共同作業としての解釈を導かない。しかし，ガラで語られる出来事が地名により特定の場所に固定されないことこそが，ベダムニの個々人に社会生活での出来事を想起させる喚起力を持っていると言える。具体的なガラの語りを示しながら，ガラがベダムニの生活経験を縮約した語りであることを論じる。

Spirit mediums of the Bedamuni, one of the linguistic groups in Papua New Guinea, narrate their own dreams at the beginning of the rainy season each year. This type of dream narrative, gala,circulates extensively with some variations among the people. One of characteristics of gala is that no land name, except ones indicating topographic features, is referred to in the narratives.In contrast to medium’s songs and recountings during sances, as well as the other personal dream narratives, gala does not lead the people in a group to associate its contents with their social life or to interpret the significance of the dream experience．By examining some gala narratives with reference to their dream theory and cosmology, I demonstrate that the omission of land names makes the narratives points of reference for individuals to under-stand personal experiences which are rarely discussed with others.

* 国立民族学博物館民族社会研究部

Key Words：Bedamuni, gala, spirit medium, dream theory, place
キーワード：べダムニ， ガラ，霊媒，夢理論，場所

筆者は先に発表した本研究第1部（渡辺 1997）において，縄文土偶が神像であること，またそれが産の女神像であることを，考古学的資料に対する民族誌的情報の体系的援用による土俗考古学的方法で論証したが，その結論の一部として一つの新しい疑問が提出された。それは縄文土偶が，単なる産の女神即ち職能が出産関係に特殊化（専門化）した女神をあらわすものではなく，産の女神を兼ねた一種の家神をあらわすものではないかという可能性である。本論文（第2部）は第1部にひきつづく第3章及び第4章の2章から成り，第3章では上記の家神の可能性を解明する。これを追究すると，縄文土偶をめぐる女神像信仰が，日本海を隔てた対岸のアムール河流域の新石器時代猟漁民の女神像信仰とつながり，それと同じ流れを汲むことが判ってきた。そこでこの両者に共有される女性家神像の起源が問題になり，これを追究したのが第4章である。第4章は，ヨーロッパからシベリアまで帯状に広く北方ユーラシアを席捲した後期旧石器時代人の女人彫像の造詣パターンを，胴形による新分類法によって分析した結果，それにA，B，Cの3型があることが判明し，そのうちA型はヨーロッパ，C型はシベリアに限られ，B型だけは全域共通で，極東即ちアムールと日本の新石器時代及びそれ以降の母性女神像（産神兼家神像）は，そのB型とC塑の伝統の流れを汲むことの証明である。

It was demonstrated in Part 1 of this ethnoarchaeological study, published in the last issue of this Bulletin（渡辺1997）,that Jomon clay figurines were images of the mother goddess as protector of birth or reproduction of the people. However, the conclusion brought forward another question : the possibility that the goddess may not have special-ized in birth protection but may have had a wider function as tutelary goddess of family welfare.
This paper consists of chapters Ⅲ and Ⅳ of which the former is devoted to the elucidation of the above problem. The first key to the solution is the presence of an area of distribution of family cults involv-ing tutelary deities which covers the traditional hunting societies of the north Pacific maritime Far East. Most notable of these are the cult of the traditional Japanese hunting people the “Matagi” and that of the hunter-fishermen of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin. The second key is that images of the family goddess of the“Matagi”are morphologically and culturally linked to Jomon figurine while the corresponding images of the Amur people are morphologically, i.e.culturally linked to clay figurines of the Amur Neolithic. Figurines of the Japanese goddess and those of the Amur goddess share a common morphological pattern of “armlessness”or the kokeshi form.This suggests that the pattern originated from the same cultural source, i.e. the Upper Palaeolithic tradition of female figurines from the Baikal region of Siberia.
Chapter Ⅳ is devoted to amorphological analysis of the Upper Palaeolithic female figurines, in search of the origin of the common mor-phological pattern shared by goddess figurines from Japan and the Amur region of the Neolithic and ethnographic present. An attempt is made to re-classify the figurines in the round on the basis of a new criterion of“trunk form,”which is evolutionarily meaningful from the Far Eastern perspective.
As a result it is proved that the figurines distributed in northern Eurasia from Europe to Siberia can be classified into 3 trunk forms : A ( trapezoid ) , B ( rectqngular ), and C ( invertedtrapezoid )，and that Type A is distributed only in Europe, Type C only in Siberia, while Type B only is widely distrjbuted throughout both regions, and that the basic patterns of goddess figurines of the Far East, i.e. in Japan and the Lower Amur-Sakhalin, are descended from the Upper Palaeothic figurines of Types B and C.
Another result of the analysis is that there is sufficient evidence that in Upper Palaeolithic Europe cave-paintings of animals represented the group cult while female figurines represented the domestic cult. The presence of the same structure in the religious system is suggested for the Jomon society : their religious system may also have consisted of two sub-systems : the domestic cult represented by female figurines and the group cult represented by large scale circular structures such as stone-circles.

* 国立民族学博物館共同研究員

Key Words：family goddess of the Matagi hunters, clay figurines of the Amur Neolithic, family goddess of hunter-fisher of the Lower Amur, Upper Palaeolithic female figurines, classification of the trunk form of the upper palaeolithic figurines
キーワード：マタギの家神（母性女神）像，アムール新石器時代土偶，アムール猟漁民の家神（母性女神）像, 旧石器時代女人像の胴形分類

In Modern Standard Burmese ( Myanmar ) are observed two distinct types of voicing sandhi : (1) in the environment C¹C², and if both C¹and C² are any one of//, both C¹and C² become voiced, and (2) in the environment where C occurs after nonstop rhymes except atonic ones within a word or phrase with a postposition or postpositions, C becomes voiced if it has the voiced counterpart, hence However, a fair number of varied exceptions are found for the first rule. The aim of the present paper is to explain the development of these two sandhi rules and the exceptions by assumlng four stages for the devlopment of three phonological rules, either obligarory or optional, or the orders of their application on the evidence from the regional dialects of Burmese.

現代標準ビルマ語（ミャンマー語）には，（1）軽声母音／a／の前後の，対応する有声音のある，無声無気閉鎖／破擦音および摩擦音の有声音化と（2）多音節語あるいは助詞を含む名詞句／動詞句などの第2音節以下の音節の，対応する有声音のある，無声無気／有気閉鎖／破擦音および摩擦音の有声音化の2種類の規則的連濁現象がある。その一方で，（1）連濁規則には様々な例外がみられる。本論文は，主として，現代ビルマ語（地域）方言の資料を参考にして，標準ビルマ語におけるこの2種類の連濁規則の発達を4段階に分け，更に，規則が義務的か任意的か，適用順序の有無などを考慮して，例外も含めて，連濁規則の発達を歴史的に説明しようと試みたものである。

*Kobe City University of Foreign Studies

**This paper was written while I was staying in Beijing, and as I did not have all the necessary references at hand,I had to leave some works related to the present topic unmentioned　in　the text　and references．
Apart from the use of / ／,／／and／－n／for his／／,／ð／and／-ñ／,the phonemic transcription used in this paper is the same as that in ( Okell 1995 ) ，but dihrent from that in ( Okell 1969 ) .The system of literary transliteration of Written Burmese ( WB ) is Duroiselle’s with some modifications. The vocalic onset is preceded by a symbol’, and the serial numbers for tone marks are rearranged in accordance with Cornyn’s. All WB forms, which are, strictly speaking， Modern WB forms,registered in the Myanmar-English Dictionary ( 1993 ) ，are enclosed by braces, and phonemic transcriptions ( at the level of traditional phonemics ) by slants.

Key Words： Burmese ( Myanmar ) , historical phonoIogy, Sandhi Rules, atonicization, dialects
キーワード：ビルマ語（ミャンマー語），歴史的音韻論，サンディ規則，軽声化，方言