国立民族学博物館研究報告 2000 24巻4号
目 次
Memories Displaced by Ritual: Cognitive Processes in the Spirit Cults of Northern Thailand |
Shigeharu Tanabe |
707 |
ビルトゥチの処刑 ─ボリビア・アマゾンの一殺人事件とその記憶─ |
齋藤 晃 |
727 |
最適採食戦略 ─食物獲得の行動生態学─ |
口蔵幸雄 |
767 |
Notes on the Japanese Collection at the Musée de l'Homme, Paris |
Isao Kumakura, Jane Cobbi, Josef Kreiner |
873 |
『国立民族学博物館研究報告』24巻 総目次 |
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893 |
『国立民族学博物館研究報告』寄稿要項 |
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894 |
『国立民族学博物館研究報告』執筆要領 |
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895 |
BULLETIN OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ETHNOLOGY Vol. 24 No. 4 2000
Tanabe, Shigeharu |
Memories Displaced by Ritual: Cognitive Processes in the Spirit Cults of Northern Thailand |
707 |
Saito, Akira |
The Execution of Virtuchi: A Murder Case and Its Memory in the Bolivian Amazon |
727 |
Kuchikura, Yukio |
Optimal Foraging Strategies: The Behavioral Ecology of Food Acquisition |
767 |
Kumakura, Isao Cobbi, Jane Kreiner, Josef | Notes on the Japanese Collection at the Musée de l'Homme, Paris | 873 |
Memories Displaced by Ritual:
Cognitive Processes in the Spirit Cults of Northern Thailand
Cognitive Processes in the Spirit Cults of Northern Thailand
Shigeharu Tanabe*
儀礼によって排除された記憶
ー北タイの精霊祭祀における認知過程ー
ー北タイの精霊祭祀における認知過程ー
田 辺 繁 治
This paper is an attempt to examine cognitive processes invoIved in religious notions and ritual, which most anthropological studies have hitherto seen as culturally constructed phenomena. It draws on the recent theory of cognitive psychology to elucidate the relationship between a schema -an active perceptual organisation of an individual subject- and culturally constructed ritual and discourses. The work is based on ethnographic observations of Khon Müang spirit cults in northern Thailand. For the Khon Müang, the ‘person-spirit schema’ is an ab-stract perceptual framework that constitutes the unstable relationship between body, soul (khwan) and external forces, particularly spirit (phi) . It is argued that the schema is evoked by particular events and situations in everyday life. This schematic experience of individual subjects is articulated with the culturally constructed actions and representations of ritual. The discontinuity between the schema and the ritual process is further revealed in spirit-possession and animal sacrifice, violent acts often inserted into ritual sequences. Examination of the spirit cults shows that ritual is a system of actions to construct an imaginary relationship between the self and the world, removing individual subjects from the perceptual schemata and personal episodic memories that organise everyday experience.
この論文は,これまで多くの人類学研究において文化的に構築された現象と見なされてきた宗教的概念や儀礼にかかわる認知過程を考察する。そこで論文は近年の認知心理学の理論に依拠しながら,認知主体の能動的な知覚組織であるスキーマと文化的に構築された儀礼や言説との関係を明らかにすることを目指す。その分析は,北タイにおけるコンムアンの精霊祭祀についての民族誌的観察に基づいて行われる。コンムアンにとって抽象的な知覚的枠組みとしての《人・精霊スキーマ》は,身体,魂(クワソ)および,とくに精霊(ピー)など外的力との間の不安定な関係によって構成される。このスキーマは日常生活における特定の出来事や状況において経験されることが明らかとなる。主体のこのスキーマ的経験は,儀礼において文化的に構築された行為や表象と分節される。スキーマと儀礼過程との間に存在する不連続性は,精霊憑依や動物供犠などの儀礼場面にしばしば挿入される暴力行為においてさらに明らかとなる。このようにして精霊祭祀の分析から,儀礼とは日常経験を組織する知覚的スキーマや私的なエピソード記憶から主体を乖離することによって,自己と世界の間の想像的関係を構築する特異なシステムであることが示される。
* Department of Cultural Research, National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka
Key Words: memory, schema, ritual, spirit cult, Khon Müang, northern Thailand
キーワード:記憶,スキーマ,儀礼,精霊祭祀,コンムアン,北タイ
キーワード:記憶,スキーマ,儀礼,精霊祭祀,コンムアン,北タイ
Introduction The person-spirit schema |
Ritual actions Conclusion |
ビルトゥチの処刑
─ボリビア・アマゾンの一殺人事件とその記憶─
─ボリビア・アマゾンの一殺人事件とその記憶─
齋 藤 晃*
The Execution of Virtuchi:
A Murder Case and Its Memory in the Bolivian Amazon
A Murder Case and Its Memory in the Bolivian Amazon
Akira Saito
ボリビア・アマゾンのモホス地方の先住民族トリニタリオのあいだには,近年まで,専門の霊媒師が死者の親族の依頼を受けて,故人の霊を呼び出すという降霊術が存在していた。降霊術にやってくる死者はすべて先住民だが,白人で唯一,ビルトゥチという大昔の殺人者がたびたび現れ,失踪者の居所や紛失物のありかを告げることで,魂の救済に不可欠なキリスト教の祈りを受け取っていた。本論は,なにゆえ先住民の降霊術に白人の殺人者の霊が呼び出されるのかという疑問に答える試みである。
歴史資料によれば,ビルトゥチほ20世紀初め,殺人の咎で公開の銃殺刑に処せられた。彼の処刑は,成立後間もないモホス地方の司法機関が執行した最初の処刑であり,共和国政府がその権力を誇示する最初の機会だった。他方,処刑という国家儀礼を初めて目にした先住民にとって,それは衝撃的な出来事であり,その衝撃が後にビルトゥチにまつわる特異な信仰と伝承として具体化したのだと推定される。
筆者の考えでは,先住民にとってビルトゥチの処刑は,それ以後国家が神になりかわって罪を裁くのだということを宣言する儀礼的演出にほかならなかった。こうした国家司法の概念は,罪を裁く権利を神にのみ認める先住民の司法概念と真っ向から衝突するものだった。本論は,ビルトゥチにまわつるトリニタリオの信仰と伝承を,国家による司法的正義の独占に対する彼らの批判,およびその転覆の試みとして読み解こうとするものである。
歴史資料によれば,ビルトゥチほ20世紀初め,殺人の咎で公開の銃殺刑に処せられた。彼の処刑は,成立後間もないモホス地方の司法機関が執行した最初の処刑であり,共和国政府がその権力を誇示する最初の機会だった。他方,処刑という国家儀礼を初めて目にした先住民にとって,それは衝撃的な出来事であり,その衝撃が後にビルトゥチにまつわる特異な信仰と伝承として具体化したのだと推定される。
筆者の考えでは,先住民にとってビルトゥチの処刑は,それ以後国家が神になりかわって罪を裁くのだということを宣言する儀礼的演出にほかならなかった。こうした国家司法の概念は,罪を裁く権利を神にのみ認める先住民の司法概念と真っ向から衝突するものだった。本論は,ビルトゥチにまわつるトリニタリオの信仰と伝承を,国家による司法的正義の独占に対する彼らの批判,およびその転覆の試みとして読み解こうとするものである。
Until recently, the Trinitarios, an indigenous people of the Moxos region of the Bolivian Amazon, occasionally held séances where the medium invoked the spirits of the dead at the request of their living relatives. The dead who came to the séances were all but one indigenous people. The only exception was Virtuchi, a white man who is said to have been a murderer in the remote past. He would often come to the séances and tell the Trinitarios where they could find a missing person or object and, in exchange for this service, receive Christian prayers which were indispensable for his salvation. In this paper, I will try to answer the question why the spirit of a white murderer was invoked at the indigenous séances.
Historical sources indicate that Virtuchi was charged with a murder and publicly executed by a firing squad at the beginning of the 20th century. This was the first public execution in the Moxos region, an ostentatious manifestation of the power of the newly formed local judicial apparatus. It can therefore be assumed that the indigenous people, who theretofore had never witnessed such an event, would likely have been profoundly impacted by the experience and this would subsequently have given rise to their peculiar beliefs and traditions concerning Virtuchi.
It is my intention to show that the execution of Virtuchi was, from the viewpoint of the indigenous people, an effectively performed ritual proclamation that the State would thereafter take hold of the administration of justice and thereby replace God as the dispenser of justice.This concept of State justice would inevitably have clashed with the indigenous concept of divine justice. This paper will interpret the beliefs and traditions concerning Virtuchi as a narrative of criticism and subversion of State monoply of justice.
Historical sources indicate that Virtuchi was charged with a murder and publicly executed by a firing squad at the beginning of the 20th century. This was the first public execution in the Moxos region, an ostentatious manifestation of the power of the newly formed local judicial apparatus. It can therefore be assumed that the indigenous people, who theretofore had never witnessed such an event, would likely have been profoundly impacted by the experience and this would subsequently have given rise to their peculiar beliefs and traditions concerning Virtuchi.
It is my intention to show that the execution of Virtuchi was, from the viewpoint of the indigenous people, an effectively performed ritual proclamation that the State would thereafter take hold of the administration of justice and thereby replace God as the dispenser of justice.This concept of State justice would inevitably have clashed with the indigenous concept of divine justice. This paper will interpret the beliefs and traditions concerning Virtuchi as a narrative of criticism and subversion of State monoply of justice.
* 国立民族学博物館博物館民族学研究部
Key Words: Bolivian Amazon, Trinitarios, cult of the dead, colonial situation, State administration of justice
キーワード: ボリビア・アマゾン,トリニタリオ,死者信仰,植民地的状況,国家司法
キーワード: ボリビア・アマゾン,トリニタリオ,死者信仰,植民地的状況,国家司法
1. はじめに 2. 殺人者の記憶 2.1 トリニタリオという人々 2.2 ビルトゥチの伝承 2.3 記憶の用途 3. 歴史資料が語るもの |
3.1 殺人事件の再構成 3.2 事件の社会的背景 4. 国家儀礼とその転覆 4.1 銃殺と磨罪 4.2 国家による司法的正義の独占 5. おわりに |
最適採食戦略
─食物獲得の行動生態学─
─食物獲得の行動生態学─
口 蔵 幸 雄*
Optimal Foraging Strategies:
The Behavioral Ecology of Food Acquisition
The Behavioral Ecology of Food Acquisition
Yukio Kuchikura
本稿は行動生態学で発達した最適採食理論を人間の食物獲得活動へ適用した研究のレヴューである。最適採食理論に基づく食物獲得活動の研究では,利用可能な戦略(行動)の中でどのような戦略が進化するかを予測する最適化分析が用いられる。ここでは最適採食モデルとして,食餌幅,パッチ選択とパッチ内時間のモデル,およびこれら古典モデルの仮定を緩和することによって修正されたモデルとして中心点採食,資源の変動や食物分配とリスクの関係,複数の「通貨」を取り入れた線形計画法と無差別曲線分析などがあつかわれる。現在までのところ,最適採食モデルの人間行動への適用事例ではモデルの予測と実際の観察がうまく一致しないことが多いが,むしろそこから人間行動の特性を引き出し,モデルを改良することが重要である。
This article reviews the basic principles of optimal foraging theory and their application to human foraging. The optimization approach used in behavioral ecology assumes that individual foragers behave so as to maximize some currency (usually net rate of energy return per unit of foraging time ) which is assumed to correlate with fitness, and employs models consisting of currencies to be maximized, decisions or foraglng problems to analyzed, and constraints specifying options available to the foragers and theire effcts.
The classical diet breadth model predicts a set of food resources that maximizes energy return rate under a set of assumptions: a&ldquo finegrained &rdquo environment ( homogeneous resource distribution) , random encounters, mutually exclusive search and handling costs, a rank of all food resource types on the basis of net return rate on encounter,and complete information. While the model can predict qualitative subsistence patterns, such as a fluctuation of diet breadth in accordance with changes in search or handling costs derived from technological changes, many of the quantitative tests have revealed discrepancies between the model‘s predictions and observed patterns. This is mainly due to the fact that the human foraging patterns in question sometimes violate the assumptions of the model. It is common that male foragers often ignore plant foods that would increase overall energy return rates of foraging if collected. Tests made within a set of animal foods or one of plant foods show close fits between predictions and observations.
For a &ldquo patchy &rdquo environment, where resources are distributed in a heterogeneous fashion, optimal patch use models are used to predict an array of habitats ( patches ) to be exploited and how long a forager stays in a patch before leaving for another. The optimal patch choice model has the same structure and procedure as those of the optimal diet breadth model, while replacing resource types with patch types. The optimal patch residence time is soIved by using the marginal value theorem, which assumes diminishing returns and determines the point at which a forager should leave a depleting patch to search for another one to maximize energy return rate. We can so far find no anthropological studies of patch residence time that meet the assumptions of the marginal value theorem except for one case. Most of the studies incorrectly attempt to predict the proportion of time foragers spend exploiting different patches on the assumption that optimal foragers preferentially allocate foraging time to patches with higher return rates.
Relaxing and changing assumptions can modify the classic diet breadth and patch use models. The central-place-foraging model in which foraging is modeled as a trip with a given point ( a camp or village ) of departure and return is more suited to human foraging than the classic models. Foraging models focused on acquisition and sharing of information about resource conditions among foraging groups and reduction of risk ( variancein food consumption ) by food sharing, which are unique to human foragers, allow interesting predictions to be made about choice behavior and social interaction.
Humans are omnivorous animals and exploit simultaneously various food resources greatly different in nutritional composition. The classic foraging models reduce nutritional values of food only to energy. Most of the critiques of the optimal foraging models have been directed toward this point. The problem of multiple nutrient requirements has been treated with a linear programming model that aims to predict the least costly solution to an economic problem in which resources ( labor, energy, raw material, and money ) must be allocated among competing activities. Another approach to evaluating food resources along more than one scale is indifference analysis, borrowed from microeconomics. This analysis predicts a utility-maximizing mix of different but complementary and substitutable food resources. Each approach has its strengths and weaknesses.
The classical diet breadth model predicts a set of food resources that maximizes energy return rate under a set of assumptions: a&ldquo finegrained &rdquo environment ( homogeneous resource distribution) , random encounters, mutually exclusive search and handling costs, a rank of all food resource types on the basis of net return rate on encounter,and complete information. While the model can predict qualitative subsistence patterns, such as a fluctuation of diet breadth in accordance with changes in search or handling costs derived from technological changes, many of the quantitative tests have revealed discrepancies between the model‘s predictions and observed patterns. This is mainly due to the fact that the human foraging patterns in question sometimes violate the assumptions of the model. It is common that male foragers often ignore plant foods that would increase overall energy return rates of foraging if collected. Tests made within a set of animal foods or one of plant foods show close fits between predictions and observations.
For a &ldquo patchy &rdquo environment, where resources are distributed in a heterogeneous fashion, optimal patch use models are used to predict an array of habitats ( patches ) to be exploited and how long a forager stays in a patch before leaving for another. The optimal patch choice model has the same structure and procedure as those of the optimal diet breadth model, while replacing resource types with patch types. The optimal patch residence time is soIved by using the marginal value theorem, which assumes diminishing returns and determines the point at which a forager should leave a depleting patch to search for another one to maximize energy return rate. We can so far find no anthropological studies of patch residence time that meet the assumptions of the marginal value theorem except for one case. Most of the studies incorrectly attempt to predict the proportion of time foragers spend exploiting different patches on the assumption that optimal foragers preferentially allocate foraging time to patches with higher return rates.
Relaxing and changing assumptions can modify the classic diet breadth and patch use models. The central-place-foraging model in which foraging is modeled as a trip with a given point ( a camp or village ) of departure and return is more suited to human foraging than the classic models. Foraging models focused on acquisition and sharing of information about resource conditions among foraging groups and reduction of risk ( variancein food consumption ) by food sharing, which are unique to human foragers, allow interesting predictions to be made about choice behavior and social interaction.
Humans are omnivorous animals and exploit simultaneously various food resources greatly different in nutritional composition. The classic foraging models reduce nutritional values of food only to energy. Most of the critiques of the optimal foraging models have been directed toward this point. The problem of multiple nutrient requirements has been treated with a linear programming model that aims to predict the least costly solution to an economic problem in which resources ( labor, energy, raw material, and money ) must be allocated among competing activities. Another approach to evaluating food resources along more than one scale is indifference analysis, borrowed from microeconomics. This analysis predicts a utility-maximizing mix of different but complementary and substitutable food resources. Each approach has its strengths and weaknesses.
* 岐阜大学,国立民族学博物館共同研究員
Key Words: optimal foraging theory, behavioral ecology, human foragers, diet breadth, patch use, central-place foraglng, risk, food sharing, linear programming, indifference curve analysis
キーワード: 最適採食理論,行動生態学,狩猟採集民,食餌幅,パッチ利用,中心点採食,リスク,食物分配,線形計画法,無差別曲線分析
キーワード: 最適採食理論,行動生態学,狩猟採集民,食餌幅,パッチ利用,中心点採食,リスク,食物分配,線形計画法,無差別曲線分析
Ⅰ 序 Ⅱ 行動生態学の理論と最適化の分析 Ⅲ 古典的モデル 1. 最適食餌幅 2. 最適パッチ利用 Ⅳ 古典的モデルの修正 |
1. 中心点採食モデル 2. 情報の獲得 3. 資源の変動とリスク 4. 栄養の制約と通貨の問題 5. 最適採食理論におけるその他の論点 Ⅴ 結論と展望 |
Notes on the Japanese Collection at
the Musée de l'Homme, Paris****
the Musée de l'Homme, Paris****
Isao Kumakura*, Jane Cobbi**, Josef Kreiner***
パリ人類学博物館所蔵日本資料について
熊倉功夫, ジャーヌ・コビー, ヨーゼフ・クライナー
At the Museum of Mankind ( Musée de l’Homme ) in Paris there are almost 5,000 examples of Japanese materials. The collecting activities of this museum date back to the late19th c. The collection is not peculiar because of its size, but because of its noteworthy materials. It started as a collection of 73 puppets gathered in1889, to which pieces from the Guimet Museum were later added and further objects collected by ethnologists and others were also summoned. This report deals with the Japanese collections kept at the Museum of Mankind in Paris as well as with the concepts of their collectors. Finally it contains a list of the objects in the collection according to their time of acquisition by the museum.
パリ人類学博物館には約5,000点の日本関係資料が収蔵されている。その収集活動は19世紀の後期よりはじまり今日まで継続されている。大量の点数でまとまったコレクションはないが,1889年に収集された73点に及ぶ人形のコレクションをはじめ,ギメ美術館からの移管品,人類学者による収集品など,注目される資料がある。
この報告はパリ人類学博物館が収蔵する日本関係資料とその収集者について概要を述べたものである。末尾には,博物館が受け入れた時点ごとにまとめて記載された収蔵品目録を掲げた。
この報告はパリ人類学博物館が収蔵する日本関係資料とその収集者について概要を述べたものである。末尾には,博物館が受け入れた時点ごとにまとめて記載された収蔵品目録を掲げた。
*National Museum of Ethnology,Osaka
**Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,Paris
***University of Bonn
****This is part of a study on collections of Japanese folk-culture,everyday life and ethnography in European collections.A study of the collections
described was undertaken by the authors in May,18-25, 1998. We want to
thank for their help Mr.Bernard Dupaigne, at the time of research Director
of he Musée de l’Homme,and Mrs.Christine Hemmet from the Asiatic
Department of the Musée de l’Homme for permission to see the collections;
Mrs.Bernadette Robbe,who kindly made organization of our work easier;
Mrs.Anne Pison-Neveu,Who helped to excavate objects;Mr.Jean-Pierre
Oddos,who gave information on the actual situation of the collections,and
Mr.Johannes H. Wilhelm of Bonn University,who arranged the table.
Key Words: Paris,collection,Museum of Ethnology,Japanese materials,utensils
キーワード: パリ,コレクション,人類学博物館,日本資料,道具
キーワード: パリ,コレクション,人類学博物館,日本資料,道具