BULLETIN OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ETHNOLOGY Vol. 25 No. 4 2001
Sakiyama, Osamu |
Genetic Relationships between Austronesian and Japanese |
465 |
Nishio, Tetsuo |
Social and Cognitive Background for the Genesis of So-called Sainthood |
487 |
Tachikawa, Musashi |
|
537 |
Shnirelman, Victor A. |
Strange Customs: Incipient Social Differentiation in Kamchatka through the Eyes of the First Russian Explorers |
625 |
Kumakura, Isao
Kreiner, Josef |
Notes on the Japanese Collection of Count Bourbon Bardi at the Museo d’Arte Orientale di Venezia |
641 |
Genetic Relationships between Austronesian and Japanese
Osamu Sakiyama
It is becoming evident that “ mixed languages ”, such as Medniy Aleut ( Russia ) ,Maisin ( Papua New Guinea ) , or Michif ( Canada ) ,do exist. Japanese may have arisen as such a mixed language, combining Tungusic and Austronesian elements. It is believed that Ancient Japanese (AJ ) introduced a pitch accent and long vowels as compensation for the loss of an Austronesian syllable. Some evidence comes from roots where Austronesian has two syllables, of which Group 1 in AJ preserves the penult (ex. PMP*tángan‘ hand‘ > AJ*taa > *ta-i ( determinative ) > Kyoto dialect tee ) and
Group 2 the final ( ex. PMP*apáy ‘ fire ‘ > AJ *pi > Kyoto d. hii ) . Accent is irrelevant in words in Group 3, which are estimated to have an even tone in PAN ( ex. PWMP*esung ‘ mortar ‘ > AJ usu > Kyoto d. usu ).
The right hand column indicates Proto-Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian forms reconstructed by A. Capell ( 1969,1976 ) and revisedby myself.
There is also important syntactic evidence. In most CEMP lan-guages, pronominal affixes usually occur in a verb complex in what I call a rigid “ affix order, ” i.e. , the verb itself may take prefixes and suffixes that are grammatically fixed. In OJ also we find traces of similar affixation:
I cannot agree with the view that*-i can be explained more suc-cessfully through ‘ Altaic. ’OJ as well as Austronesian i have a locative function, which the Altaic suffix never does.
There is also important syntactic evidence. In most CEMP lan-guages, pronominal affixes usually occur in a verb complex in what I call a rigid “ affix order, ” i.e. , the verb itself may take prefixes and suffixes that are grammatically fixed. In OJ also we find traces of similar affixation:
Kena-no waku-go i pue-puki-noboru. ( Nihon-Shoki, vol.17 )
“ A young prince of Kena, HE ( =i, III sg. ) is going up ( a river )
blowing a flute.” Tösi-no-pa ni, ayu si pasira-ba,( Man ‘ yo - shu, vol.19 )
“ Every year when ayu fishes, THEY ( =Si, III pl. ) run, ”
I cannot agree with the view that*-i can be explained more suc-cessfully through ‘ Altaic. ’OJ as well as Austronesian i have a locative function, which the Altaic suffix never does.
Key Words: anaphora,language mixing,Oceanic languages,tonogenesis,Tungusic
Social and Cognitive Background for the Genesis of So-called Sainthood
Tetsuo Nishio
In his recent article on the state-of-affairs concerning the studies of so-called “ Saints ” in the Islamic world, Prof. Horiuchi proposed that in academic discussion about Islamic sainthood, at least in its popular set-tings, we should use the term “ great person ” instead of “ saint &rdquo and other related words. My discussion here is not meant to answer his proposal, but to develop his standpoint on the basis of another case-study of a related matter in Southern Sinai, Egypt.
Historically speaking, Southern Sinai can be regarded as one socio-political and economic area, where the Monastery of St. Catherine functions as a pivotal entity both in the spiritual and socio-economic/political senses. Another key entity in this area is the Jibli tribe, thought to have been sent by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian from Southern Europe to serve as serfs in the middle of the 6th century. After the advent of Islam, a majority of Arab tribes moved into this area. With the increasing political influence of the Ottoman empire, the area underwent radical social change from the 16th century onward.
In modern Southern Sinai, we can discern many “ saints ” of various origins, names and social functions.Seemlngly, they exist without any social and cognitive background for their functions, but this proves not to be the case, when we look into their origins with the help of historical documents and oral traditions. In the present discussion, I propose one principle to explain the seemingly unrelated “ saints ” of Southern Sinai in terms of their cognitve origin, which might contribute to the general discussion about “ sainthood ” .
Historically speaking, Southern Sinai can be regarded as one socio-political and economic area, where the Monastery of St. Catherine functions as a pivotal entity both in the spiritual and socio-economic/political senses. Another key entity in this area is the Jibli tribe, thought to have been sent by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian from Southern Europe to serve as serfs in the middle of the 6th century. After the advent of Islam, a majority of Arab tribes moved into this area. With the increasing political influence of the Ottoman empire, the area underwent radical social change from the 16th century onward.
In modern Southern Sinai, we can discern many “ saints ” of various origins, names and social functions.Seemlngly, they exist without any social and cognitive background for their functions, but this proves not to be the case, when we look into their origins with the help of historical documents and oral traditions. In the present discussion, I propose one principle to explain the seemingly unrelated “ saints ” of Southern Sinai in terms of their cognitve origin, which might contribute to the general discussion about “ sainthood ” .
Key Words: saint, Islam, Egypt, Sinai, Bedouin
Musashi Tachikawa*
The pantheon of Mahāyāna Buddhism may be classified into the following five groups: (1)Buddhas ( Enlightened Ones ) ,(2) Bo-dhisattvas ( Buddhas to be ) ,(3) Goddesses,(4)Protectors of Buddha ’ s teachings (dharma-pāla) , and (5) Other, or minor, deities. In late Mahāyāna Buddhism an enormous amount of effort was made to depict Buddhas or deities on stone, metal, cloth and the like. Especially in Tantric Buddhism, which may be considered part of Mahāyāna Bud-dhism, images or icons of Buddhist deities played an essential part in rituals and meditations, with the result that iconographical systems concerning images of Buddhist deities were established according to schools, ages, areas, and so forth. This paper is intended to furnish materials for iconographic studies of Bodhisattvas, especially the group called the Sixteen Bodhisattvas.
A number of have been preserved in the Kathmandu Valley. Among those seen in places such as the courtyards of Buddhist temples, the Dharmadhātuvāgīśvara ( Dharmadhātu ) is the most popular. The Sixteen Bodhisattvas, who may be regarded as representatives of Bodhisattvas, are included in the deities of the Dharmadhātu .
The symbols held in the hands of each of the Sixteen Bodhisattvas have been iconographically determined. Although there are a number of Dharmadhātu s depicted on stone, metal, and paper in the Kathmandu Valley, it is rather rare to find a Dharmadhātu in which each of the Sixteen Bodhisattvas is clearly illustrated. In this paper I would like to treat eight sets of images of the Dharmadhātu Sixteen Bodhisattvas depicted on or stūpas ,found in the Kathmandu Valley.
A number of have been preserved in the Kathmandu Valley. Among those seen in places such as the courtyards of Buddhist temples, the Dharmadhātuvāgīśvara ( Dharmadhātu ) is the most popular. The Sixteen Bodhisattvas, who may be regarded as representatives of Bodhisattvas, are included in the deities of the Dharmadhātu .
The symbols held in the hands of each of the Sixteen Bodhisattvas have been iconographically determined. Although there are a number of Dharmadhātu s depicted on stone, metal, and paper in the Kathmandu Valley, it is rather rare to find a Dharmadhātu in which each of the Sixteen Bodhisattvas is clearly illustrated. In this paper I would like to treat eight sets of images of the Dharmadhātu Sixteen Bodhisattvas depicted on or stūpas ,found in the Kathmandu Valley.
* Department of Social Research, National Museum of Ethnology
Key Words: Sixteen Bodhisattvas, Bodhisattva, Nispannayogavali, Dharmadhatu, Mandala, mandala
Stramge Customs:
Incipient Social Differentiation in Kamchatka
through the Eyes of the First Russian Explorers
Incipient Social Differentiation in Kamchatka
through the Eyes of the First Russian Explorers
Victor A. Shnirelman*
The essence of the contemporary American Indian education in-voIves a hybridization that includes a European framework and an in-digenous epistemology. The study focuses on the American Indian response in general and the Blackfeet Nation’s response in particular to federal bilingual legislation of the post Civil Rights era as a vehicle for establishing local sovereignty. This research will examine past legisla-tive definition of the American Indian as it restricts linguisticulture and present legislative shift in definition as it accommodates the same. Through government-supported bilingual / bicultural education on the one hand and recent privately-sponsored immersion-school education on the other, the paper will explore issues of native language revitalize-tion and maintenance as they relate to indigenous control of reservation education.
* Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Russia
Visiting Scholar, National Museum of Ethnology
Visiting Scholar, National Museum of Ethnology
Key Words:Kamchatka, Itel’ mens, Koryaks, partnership, social stratification
Notes on the Japanese Collection of Count Bourbon Bardi
at the Museo d &rsquo Arte Orientale di Venezia*****
at the Museo d &rsquo Arte Orientale di Venezia*****
Isao Kumakura*, Josef Kreiner**,
in cooperation with Johannes Wilhelm*** and Tomoe Kreiner****
in cooperation with Johannes Wilhelm*** and Tomoe Kreiner****
The Museo d ’ Arte Orientale in Venice houses a collection of over 10,0000objects,acquired by Count Bourbon Bardi ( 1851-1906 ) in Japan in 1889. As a 19th century private collection of Japanese artefacts, it is one of the greatest collections that has survived to this day worldwide. Its content is centred around swords, armour, ceramic objects, lacquer items, paintings, as well as smaller items, and should be regarded as a sophisticated mirror for18th to 19th century craft art. The Bourbon Bardi collection has been split into many parts since his death, and hence the complete picture is unknown. For instance, the collection of the Museo di Antropologia ed Etnologia Padova once belonged to the Museod ’ Arte Orientale, Venice, too. To a certain extent, it is possible to reconstruct the dimension of the former collection from its earlier list. We have added such a reconstructed list at the end of this volume.
* National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka
** University of Bonn
*** University of Bonn
**** SOAS London
***** This report represents the second part of the authors’ cursory survey of Japanese collections in European museums. The research in Venice was conducted from October 19 to 23,1999. We are especially grateful to Dr. ssa Fiorella Spadavecchia of the Sopritendenza per i Beni Artistici e Storici di Venezia and director of the Museum for giving us the opportunity to work with her collection and supporting us with many valuable materials. Signorina Dott. Christina Rota has helped us with the objects and inventory lists. At the Museo di An-tropologia ed Etnografia of the University of Padova, Professora Dr. Mila Tommaseo, opened for us the depots and introduced us to those parts of the Bourbon Bardi collections that are stored in Padova.
Key Words: Venezia, collection, Bourbon Bardi, Japanese materials, utensils