Migrants settle and become incorporated in the localities and patterns of daily life of the country in which they reside, while at the same time they are engaged elsewhere in the sense that they maintain connections and influence local and national events in the countries from which they emigrated. The purpose of this article is to articulate how migrants construct their sense of belonging in the globalizing world. On this theme the experience of a migrant woman, who emigrated from Sarajevo to Berlin thirty years ago, is described. To begin with, perspectives of some studies on the subject of transnationalism and some recent urban studies in Germany are surveyed, and the importance of paying attention to migrants’ experience regarding social class in the city is pointed out. Berlin first encountered the global economy after the fall of the Wall. The conversion of economic structure from manufacturing to service industry was put into motion, and resulted in a mass of unemployed people and polarization. In this situation migrants were integrated into one category of Ausländer (foreigners), connotative of social class, and incorporated into the lowest class of the city. Migrants themselves dissent from this category, and insist on a position of Multi-Kulti (multiculturalism). This expression Multi-Kulti demonstrates their intention to make the boundary between German and Ausländer porous, and to treat German culture on even terms with any migrant culture.

Key Words: migrant, city, social space, transnationalism, multiculturalism

Using data obtained in a recent field study, this article describes someaspects of the Soviet way of modernization undergone by the ceramic industryof Rishton and ceramists there.
In order to resolve some inconsistencies and make up for the lack of information identified during reviews of the major preceding studies, the author chose to divide the Soviet period into three parts: the beginning of the 20th century, the 1920s-1960s, and the 1970s-1991. Each period is analyzed according to the following indicators: the production system, the organization of groups of ceramists, and methods of passing traditional techniques from generation to generation.
This approach and the new data obtained from the field study demonstrate that there were two stages of modernization in the Soviet factory. The production system was modernized in the first stage, and pottery technologies in the second stage. The research also revealed unique features of the studio system of pottery, where traditional ways of passing technologies from masters to disciples remained.
Finally, the article makes a case for the necessity of more in-depth anthropological research of local history and changes during the Soviet Period to understand the Soviet way of modernization.

Key Words: Uzbekistan, the Soviet Union, modernization, post-socialist anthropology, Rishton

It is well known that the Naxi people in Yunnan, China, have been strongly influenced since ancient times by Chinese culture. The Han Chinese have had huge cultural and economic influences on the Naxi, as they have on other ethnic minorities in the south of China, and recently their massive impact is overwhelming the Naxi in terms of modernization. Yet the Naxi have retained some cultural traits to this date, and some are even recovering their foothold through cultural re-interpretation.
The Tompas, the priests of the “Tompa religion,” regarded as the “ethnic” religion of the Naxi, traditionally used the Tompa script exclusively for their religious purposes. But the use of the Tompa script almost ceased with the decline of the “Tompa religion,” particularly during the course of the political reform movements from 1949 through the Cultural Revolution, and later during the modernization of China. But the recent rise of the tourism industry in Yunnan in the 1990s and after has brought an epoch-making turn to the fate of the Tompa script: first, by proving its commercial value in tourism ornaments, and later by reinforcing consciousness among the Naxi of the Tompa script as their ethnic symbol.
This paper, after surveying the decline of the Tompas’ activities and social roles towards the end of the 1970s, describes the rehabilitation of Tompa studies in the 80s, which were mainly concentrated on the preservation of old Tompa documents. Then the author describes in detail, mainly on the basis of interviews with persons concerned, the appearance of the Tompa script in the tourism market, and the development of the revitalization movements of Tompa culture, Tompas, and the script. In the discussion of these developments against their social background, the favorable attitudes of both the local governments and the political authorities towards the movements are stressed. The use of the Tompa script, however, as a working orthography for the Naxi language, which itself is shrinking in everyday usage, is exposed to some serious theoretical questions such as in relation to the existing Latinized (Pingying) orthography of the Naxi language developed in the 1950s. The author further speculates on possible future conflicts between the extended Naxi Tompa script movements and China’s minority nationality policy, which is, particularly nowadays, reluctant to encourage nationalistic or ethnic awareness among the minorities.

Key Words: China, Lijiang, Naxi, Tompa Script, Tompa